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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a major triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the western region.

Feared and despised by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his loyalists for his tenacity and his promise to overthrow the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his family moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, ignored by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid raided villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in destroying the village of Adwah in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them 36 children.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's officers also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Gulf nations asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, beginning a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Recruits flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

This backfired. In 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation began examining military-owned companies, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The takeover effort failed, and fighting erupted across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including military drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses committed by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or aspires to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a global community that overlooks.